Sunday, June 24, 2012

Enjoy a 1-Year Family Membership to Haystack Club in Vermont Including Unlimited Access to Golf and Skiing

Enjoy a 1-Year Family Membership to Haystack Club in Vermont Including Unlimited Access to Golf and Skiing

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INFORMATION FOR LOT # 298782

The proceeds for this item benefit Breastcancer.org

Tax for New York and California Residents

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Enjoy a 1-year family membership to Haystack Club, a private resort community in Westover, Vermont! Exclusive membership grants full access to uncrowded and unhurried traditional Vermont Skiing, unlimited golfing at an exclusive 4-star golf course, outdoor fitness on nearly one thousand acres and a safe and intimate environment for you and your children.

For golfers, the magnificent 18 hole Desmond Muirhead designed Haystack Golf Course is reason enough to join Haystack Club. Dramatic views and Green Mountain vistas unfold at every turn, without a side hill lie. Since the acquisition of the golf course by Haystack Club, the course has been revitalized, is fully irrigated and meticulously cared for. The brilliant design of Desmond Muirhead stands up to technology, with challenging approach shots and undulating greens.

The original Haystack Ski Area opened in the early 1960?s, as a friendly alternative to the increasingly crowded resorts nearby. Haystack Club is a reaffirmation of that vision: uncrowded classic New England skiing, updated to meet the expectations of today?s discerning skiers. With limited membership, you have the room to relax as you rediscover the freedom and joy of skiing. 100 percent snowmaking coverage assures you of the best snow conditions all season long.

Terms: Includes unlimited golf and skiing during the 1-year family membership. Membership valid for immediate family members only. Haystack Club Membership is valid for one year from date of membership card activation. Winner must present original certificate upon arrival and will be issued a membership card which will be activated one year from that date. Travel and accommodations are not included. Cannot be transferred. Cannot be resold or re-auctioned.

Shipping and Handling The minimum shipping, handling and applicable insurance for this item is $9.95. Additional shipping charges may apply based upon the location of the winner. Hard copies of tickets, travel certificates and merchandise are shipped via FedEx or professional shipping service. Detailed redemption information for non-tangible items will be emailed to the winning bidder.

Donated by: Haystack Club

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South Africa 14 - 14 England

ENGLAND ended their tour of South Africa on a positive note as they fought back to claim a draw in the third Test.

Danny Care gave them an early lead by marking his international return with a try at the Nelson Mandela Bay Stadium but JP Pietersen looked to have given the Springboks a decisive edge just after the hour.

England did not wilt and Owen Farrell?s second penalty of a disjointed and scrappy contest played out in wet conditions secured a draw.

Farrell even had a late chance to win the game but sliced a drop-goal attempt horribly wide.

But after defeats in Durban and Johannesburg ? and nine in succession in total to the Springboks ? England will have been happy to settle for only the second draw in history between the two sides.

The game never really got flowing as rain swirled around the impressive arena on Port Elizabeth?s seafront, venue for England?s win over Slovenia in the 2010 football World Cup.

England went ahead with a Toby Flood penalty in the second minute but the fly-half needed treatment after a heavy collision moments later and struggled to continue.

There was a lengthy delay after the tourists were awarded another penalty as Flood readied himself and his effort dropped wide.

Morne Steyn levelled but England claimed the first try after a kick from the Springbok fly-half in open play was charged down by Tom Palmer.

Tom Johnson was halted just short of the line but the ball was quickly recycled for Care to crash over and announce his return to the grand stage.

Flood was unable to convert and, still not right, was replaced by Farrell soon after.

South Africa clawed back at England?s lead and forced their way in front as Steyn landed two of the three penalty attempts he was allowed to line up in quick succession.

England were then pushed back as the Springboks began to control possession and probe forward and the visitors did well to prevent further damage. Bryan Habana made one dangerous break but Jannie du Plessis knocked on and Jean de Villiers was hauled back after breaking free.

When the ball broke loose, Farrell quickly seized upon it and punted long downfield as England reached the break trailing 9-8.

They returned for the second half with renewed intent and Chris Ashton crashed into Gio Aplon with a fearsome tackle.

The Springboks conceded a penalty at the resulting breakdown and Farrell calmly clipped the ball between the posts to put England back ahead.

It was a lead they almost surrendered within moments as Dan Cole was penalised but Steyn, uncharacteristically, was again wayward.

But the tourists? indiscipline did cost them as Dylan Hartley, standing in as captain for the injured Chris Robshaw, was sinbinned after an offence in the ruck in the 51st minute.

South Africa did not capitalise while Hartley was off the field but, aside from a brief Ben Foden burst, they gained a measure of control.

That paid off soon after Hartley?s return.

Cole put in a big hit on Aplon to stop the full-back just short of the line but England could not hold out much longer.

They were still stretched when Ruan Pienaar spun out a fine pass for Pietersen, scorer of the decisive try in the second Test, and the winger went around the outside and touch down.

With Steyn missing the conversion, England were not out of touch and mounted a spirited response with Manu Tuilagi forcing his way forward.

They had to settle for a penalty but Farrell kept his composure and drilled between the posts to level the score.

Steyn failed with a drop goal attempt as time ticked away. England looked to line up their own opportunity as they held on to possession after the final hooter but Farrell sliced his effort too low.

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Saturday, June 23, 2012

Washington Nationals Send Edwin Jackson To The Mound To Face The Baltimore Orioles.

May 29, 2012; Miami, FL, USA; Washington Nationals starting pitcher Edwin Jackson (33) throws in the sixth inning against the Miami Marlins at Marlins Park. Mandatory Credit: Steve Mitchell-US PRESSWIRE

Edwin Jackson held the Baltimore Orioles to a run on five hits in 8.0 IP when he faced the O's in Nationals Park back on May 18th. The 28-year-old Nats' right-hander received no decision in that game, but he's (5-1) in ten games and eight starts against the AL East franchise in his 10-year MLB career, having allowed 43 hits, 21 runs, 20 earned, three HR's and 19 walks (3.09 BB/9) while recording 48 K's (7.80 K/9) and posting a 3.25 ERA, 1.12 WHIP and .217 BAA in 55.1 IP against the O's. Last time out, E-Jax gave up two runs on seven hits and three walks in 6.0 innings against another AL team, the East-leading Yankees from New York who got a strong start from Ivan Nova (7.0 IP, 1 R, 7 H). "[Jackson] pitched a great ballgame against a tough lineup," Davey Johnson told reporters after that game, "Kept us in the ballgame. Again, offensively we're just coming up a little short." The Nationals look to rebound tonight after the offense came up short in the Nats' 2-1 loss to the Orioles in the first of three in Camden Yards.

E-Jax takes the hill for the Nationals for the fourteenth time this season tonight in Baltimore. The Nats' skipper called Jackson's last outing a "gutty effort" which started with a 24 pitch first in which he gave up a run and ended with a 25-pitch sixth in which he put two runners on with no outs and pitched out of a jam to keep the Nationals close in what was then a 2-1 game in the Yankees' favor. Jackson's allowed three runs or less in each of his last eight starts, posting a 2.63 ERA over that stretch. In three June starts, the Nats' right-hander has put up a 2.57 ERA and a 4.77 FIP with 10 walks and 10 K's in 21.0 IP and in four career starts in Baltimore, Jackson's (2-1) with a 5.16 ERA, seven walks (2.77 BB/9) and 19 K's (7.54 K/9) in 22.2 IP.

? Here's the lineup that will be backing Jackson up as the Nats take on the O's in game two of three at Camden Yards:

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The Walking Dead's Sarah Wayne Callies Cast In Found-Footage Tornado Movie

Sarah Wayne Callies has plenty of experience playing characters in life-or-death situations. Not only is she currently playing the role of Lori in AMC's zombie-themed horror/drama The Walking Dead, but she played the female lead in Fox's action/drama Prison Break. Her experience in both shows may serve her well in the feature role she's been cast.

Deadline has reported that Callies is set to join New Line's untitled Steve Quale found-footage tornado thriller. She'll play the role of Allison Stone in the film, which was at one time titled Category 6 (or Category Six as IMDB has it listed). The movie follows a group of high schoolers in the aftermath of a terrible tornado. Deadline doesn't specify the nature of her character, but thrillers seem to suit Callies well, so this seems like a good fit for her in the way of feature roles.

One might surmise that Callies' casting in this project might mean Lori is on her way out of The Walking Dead, and I wouldn't exactly be complaining if that were the case. I'm not a fan of Lori, and she wouldn't be the first major character to meet their demise not long after word got around that the actor who played them had been cast in something else (link hints at a major spoiler regarding Season 2 of TWD). And as TWD has proven, with past characters - both beloved and less-adored - no one is really safe on a show set in the aftermath of a zombie apocalypse. But Deadline squashes that speculation by stating that Callies is not leaving The Walking Dead. She will continue on playing Lori while also participating in this film.

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Video: Boehner: Raising revenues like feeding cocaine addiction (cbsnews)

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Friday, June 22, 2012

Michael Busch: Moving Beyond the Mafia State

Earlier this spring, Mois?s Na?m provocatively warned against an emerging menace facing our world today -- the advent of what he terms the "mafia state." Analyzing the role of transnational organized crime in the age of globalization has been Na?m's bailiwick for some years now, and familiar readers will find little that catches them off-guard. Still, his argument that illicit actors have penetrated national governments with unprecedented success in recent years should be enough for policymakers to take notice. Na?m doesn't mince words about what's at stake. "In a mafia state, high government officials actually become integral players in, if not the leaders of, criminal enterprises, and the defense and promotion of those enterprises' businesses become official priorities."

The new issue of Foreign Affairs -- out this week -- features a brief response to Na?m's "Mafia States" article by Peter Andreas, a political scientist at Brown University. Rejecting outright the claim that mafia states constitute a "new threat" to international relations, Andreas piles on evidence to suggest quite the contrary. From Latin America to the Balkans, and including even the prohibition-era United States, Andreas convincingly makes the case that the intersection between state power and illicit actors is as old as the modern nation-state itself. Not only that, Andreas contends, the very idea of a mafia state is itself "misleading, and applied so erratically as to become nearly meaningless," a barb which prompted Na?m to issue his own acerbic attack in response.

This exchange of intellectual artillery fire, while impressive to a point, does little to move the discussion forward, however. From a policy point of view, it doesn't really matter if the relationship between government officials and illicit actors is new or old. Nor does it make a difference if the scope and scale of transnational organized crime has increased (which should be the logically expected outcome in an age of expanding market opportunities). Effective response to the threat of transnational crime will rely not so much on the "what" of the phenomenon, but on the "how." And here we see the value of Na?m's back-and-forth with Andreas: namely, that it points to a crucial area of weakness in the study of international relations.

If international relations (IR) scholarship is to advance policymakers' understanding of transnational organized crime and its role with respect to state power -- and therefore by extension, the best ways to militate against illicit power corrupting the national interests of states -- new theoretical frameworks are needed. To each of their credit, both writers implicitly acknowledge this -- first in Na?m's introduction of a new conceptual category, the "mafia state," and then in Andreas' rejection of it as being fuzzy and unserviceable. But the trouble here is that slap-boxing bouts of this variety simply rehash fights over the nature of states that consumed IR study twenty-five years ago. They fail to innovate.

This doesn't mean scholars need to start from scratch. If anything, students of international relations should continue building on the cutting edge theoretical work produced over the past decade or so, and look where possible to integrate findings from other fields of political science, sociology and criminology research (something, it should be said, Andreas has done to great profit in his academic work). Happily, political scientists and others have crafted a wide variety of analytical tools with which to understand the world of international politics. It's time to be smarter and more deliberate in applying them to the threat of transnational organized crime.

One possible route into rethinking the relationship between state actors and their illicit counterparts might be found in Anne-Marie Slaughter's idea of the disaggregated state. In this view of the new world order, states comprise various strands of agencies, actors, and other constituent parts which increasingly network with other actors -- state and non-state -- across and within borders. Shifting perspective from Na?m's monolithic "mafia state," Slaughter's model allows for greater precision in homing-in on which "functionally distinct" parts of the state have been colonized by criminal elements, asking questions of how they were penetrated, and understanding their place within the larger power configuration of the government in question. From this perch, scholars and policymakers would get a much clearer sense of how illicit elements use the disaggregated nature of states to their advantage, and what remedies would be most effective in rolling it back.

At a remove from the inner-machinery of state power, but equally important, scholarly consideration should also be directed at the institutional arrangements that shape countries where illicit action thrives. All too often, we've allowed ourselves to chalk up pathological phenomena in world politics to the pernicious effects of state failure, itself a fuzzy conceptual silo that excuses serious analysis of social dysfunction. But the focus on failed states does possess the virtue of emphasizing the importance of state institutions in determining outcomes witnessed in the global arena. It's long been recognized, for example, that the institutional arrangement of state power has direct consequences for where multinational corporations seek to do business and where they enjoy the greatest success. Similar studies could be meaningfully undertaken to assess the extent to which the institutional architecture of different states affects the thinking and success of transnational criminal actors, not to mention the efficacy of international efforts at proscribing illicit commerce. And to be sure, there are undoubtedly many other approaches that will offer equally important insights.

What won't suffice is more of the same. While Na?m's efforts at raising the profile of international crime in the minds of policymakers are commendable, Andreas is right to point out that he has essentially repackaged old wine in new caskets. If practitioners are to get serious, as Na?m suggests they should, about confronting the challenges illicit actors pose to human and international security, they'll need a more richly textured appreciation of the threats they face. The only way they'll get it is if academics continue refining the production of knowledge and exploring the new frontiers of social science.

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Follow Michael Busch on Twitter: www.twitter.com/michaelkbusch

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